The military coup was not aimed at deepening the revolutionary process but to contain the revolutionary waves. The current atrocities committed by the military is not just aimed at crushing the Muslim Brotherhood, but is also part of a plan to derail the Egyptian revolution and bring back Mubarak-era repressive rule.
Today, supporters of Muslim Brotherhood have become the target of the violent crackdown, but tomorrow any other forces that pose a threat to the military ruling elites will by [meant be] also subject to brutal repression.
The military establishment represents the mainstay of the ruling class, the regime and the state. It is the spearhead of the counter-revolution that imposes itself on the mass movement as a fait accompli, even while it sows panic about the possibility of the development of the mass movement and strives by every possible means to either contain it within a narrow framework that does not threaten its class interests or to directly repress it, as has happened in the past.
The army was really caught between two fires. The first was the fire of the mass movement, and the possibility of it breaking through its limits in the event of Morsi continuing in power. The second was the fire of the Brotherhood and the Islamists in the streets--and with the opening of complex fronts in Sinai to a greater extent and some areas of Upper Egypt to a lesser extent--in the event of Morsi's overthrow. Not to mention the differences that would develop with the U.S. administration and the threat of what they call "the democratic path."
The army chose to avoid the fire of the mass movement, despite the consequences. It decided to knock out Morsi, while absorbing the masses and stopping the development of their movement, and face the fire from the Brotherhood, which was less threatening than that of the masses. As for the U.S. administration and to a lesser extent the EU, they have long-term strategic relations with the Egyptian military establishment that are capable of absorbing any tensions caused by the overthrow of Morsi.
Today we are subjected to a great deal of criticism of our position condemning the violence of the institutions of repression against the Islamists and for our attacks on Al-Sisi as the leader of the counter-revolution. But this will not lead us to dilute our position by creating a kind of "balance" in our attacks on the military and the Islamists, as if there were equality between them in terms of the danger they represent to the revolution. We are in the process of a comprehensive and sweeping counter-revolution, and the crushing of the Muslim Brotherhood's sit-ins and protests is only the first step. We will not waver in our firm position against the military and its fierce repression. ...
...Nor can we stop recalling the military's crimes, issuing warnings about the Interior Ministry, and demanding the prosecution of their criminals at every opportunity. Likewise we must warn of the return of Mubarak's state and its repressive institutions in full force and direct our attacks against it.
...The army, police and old regime elements did not intervene, not even once, during the last few weeks, to protect local people or protesters in any of the clashes. It is in this context that the Tamarod (Rebel) movement and the left, which is stuck to the military's boots, is calling for popular committees to protect the state and the institutions of repression and to help them crush the Islamists. These are fascist calls, and we cannot accept them or repeat them.
...In addition, we hear hateful racist rhetoric against the Palestinians and the Syrians.
Australian socialist Michael Karadjis,...stated..."The coup regime has now revealed itself to be a bloody, anti-working class, anti-democratic, anti-Palestinian regime of reaction."
On August 17, Egyptian-Canadians in Vancouver convened a demonstration against the coup d'Ã©tat and police/army violence in Egypt. The remarks of Roger Annis to this action provide a guide for socialists in Canada in expressing our solidarity:
We demand that the governments in Canada, United States and Europe cease their complicity with the criminal, military regime and its July 3 coup d'Ã©tat. They must scrap all military assistance to the Egyptian military. They must condemn the coup and they must support a return to legal and constitutional government. They must demand that political prisoners be released forthwith, including President Mohamed Morsi and other leaders of his party. The draconian, emergency measures by the coup regime that effectively outlaw civil liberties must be ended. They must also demand that the punitive measures against the Palestinian people in Gaza who are suffering as a result of border restrictions by the military regime be ended. Emergency aid should be provided as needed. Israel must end its treatment of Gaza as an outdoor prison that it can bomb or cut off at will....
The Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights posted a detailed critique on its website, entitled "A Constitutional Coup Against the Principles of the Revolution". It protests that there was no consultation with the political forces that spearheaded the June 30 demonstrations over the contents of the constitutional declaration. Moreover, it says, the charter "ignored ... economic and social rights, such as the right to housing, health, medical treatment, food, drink, clothes, insurance, pensions, social security and the minimum and maximum wage. It failed to link wages to prices or to specify the right to worker representation on corporate boards and in profit sharing."